Does the Founder of PTI Have Human Rights Too?

The Supreme Judiciary’s recent decision about Imran Khan is being widely appreciated in political and public circles. Some people believe that, in our system, decisions of this kind are generally the result of some sort of deal. In this regard, references are being made to meetings between Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, the Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and other officials. It is also being said that the flexibility or restraint being shown by the KP chief minister regarding the protest movement—for example, postponing it until September 27 rather than rushing into it—is the result of some kind of understanding reached behind the scenes.

However, within PTI, some proponents of a hard-line approach have also been heard criticizing Sohail Afridi, albeit cautiously. Such people should understand that in any state, unplanned and indiscriminate protest movements can repeatedly lead to deterioration rather than improvement. Anyone holding governmental responsibility has to move forward with at least some understanding of the sensitivity of the situation. Turning up one’s nose at such considerations or labeling someone “compromised” amounts to mocking ground realities. Former Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur also fell victim to this same misunderstanding, even though he had considerably greater insight into sensitive issues than Afridi and, indeed, his performance was markedly better.

Those of our friends who, inspired by the Gen Z “cockroach movement” in the neighboring country, have convinced themselves that all it will take to secure Imran’s release is a simple call for protest—and that not only groups of young people but a tsunami of ordinary citizens will pour onto the streets—should step outside the digital and social-media mindset and reconsider their thinking in light of Pakistan’s objective circumstances.

You may criticize India as much as you like, but there is nevertheless a stable democracy there that has continued uninterrupted for a considerable period. Who, meanwhile, can deny the existence of Pakistan’s hybrid system? Here, our establishment is so powerful that the general PTI leadership, and even its founder, have consistently taken the position that they do not recognize any of our political governments and that negotiations can take place only with the military establishment or its direct representative. The military establishment, for its part, has been unwilling from day one to entertain such a demand.

If, hypothetically, circumstances have now changed and some room for accommodation appears to be emerging from that very quarter, it should be appreciated. However, one must not ignore the fact that the kind of complete relief PTI wants from the military establishment is unlikely to materialize while its major figure remains present. It would therefore be better not to place too much hope in it. In this regard, the situation has reached a level somewhat reminiscent of the relationship between Bhutto and Zia after 1977.

Some optimistic observers are predicting that if the “same page” has not completely torn apart, there may nevertheless have developed some cracks in it that could benefit PTI or its founder. In this connection, all sorts of rumors are being circulated, with references ranging from those who once vowed to “bring down brick upon brick” to the “high-flyer.” People are unnecessarily trying to connect the dots between everything, from placing Karachi under federal control to redrawing the provinces.

Even if the time comes for some major decision concerning Karachi, it would still be a mistake to assume that the current Sindhi leadership would rise up against the establishment. From its founder down to its rank-and-file loyalists, they all understand what such a confrontation could bring upon them. There is simply no “software” within them that would need to be changed.

As for the “high-flyer,” he was elevated against the League leader precisely because his nature is to simply say, “Allah, Allah.” And the League leader has also issued an order of sorts to the effect that whatever the king’s confidant says, you should take it as though the wall itself has said it—you simply have to become deaf and say nothing.

Now let us come to the real question. People often ask: **Is the release of the “player” imminent? Is he going to be given the facility to leave the country, as was the case with the League leader?** In this writer’s view, for the time being, neither option is on the table.

Although the player’s fans continue to spread the narrative that the captain is standing firm, that he has already received major offers to go abroad but has contemptuously rejected them, such an approach can be described not only as unwise but childish. Given the present circumstances, how could those in power possibly take such a risk? And even if, hypothetically, they were considering making room for such an arrangement, what sweeter deal could PTI ask for?

There is no doubt that, whatever system currently exists in this unfortunate country—whether hybrid or collapsed—the writer would submit, with regard to human rights, that **any political leader or publicly popular figure should at least enjoy those political and human rights that any citizen can reasonably expect from a constitutional state.**

Whether he is in Adiala Jail, Al-Shifa Hospital, or his home in Bani Gala, preventing his family or children from meeting him, or imposing restrictions on such meetings, constitutes a violation of human rights. Likewise, the leadership of a political party has the right to meet its leader and receive guidance from him. If they speak of violence or vandalism, then the law should certainly take its course. Otherwise, the law should serve as the guardian of their civil rights.

At present, the best way to ease the political suffocation being felt in Pakistan could be to stop keeping a political leader continuously behind bars and instead transfer him to Bani Gala, declaring his home a kind of sub-jail. Criminal and corruption cases should by no means be withdrawn, but there is no reason why arrangements for his court appearances cannot be made from there as well.