From 9/11 to Bab al-Mandab?

America, just as it supports Israel, also supports the House of Saud, and according to this argument, the proven way to break that alliance is to fill the hearts of ordinary Muslims with enough hatred against the “Great Satan” and the “Lesser Satan” that it eventually spills over and brings down the power and status of their ally, the House of Saud, in the region. Once the “Great Satan” is humiliated and driven out of the region, the task of overpowering the House of Saud would become much easier for our fighters and believers. Against this backdrop, the objective of all these Iranian-backed Shiite proxies operating in the Arab world should become clear: hostility toward America and Israel is, in reality, merely a pretext; the real target is the Najdi-Wahhabi House of Saud. The writer claims to possess evidence suggesting that the real conflict is not primarily with Israel or America, but with the Saudis. Even expressions of sympathy for the Palestinians, he argues, are merely intended either to gain religious merit or to win greater acceptance among the wider Sunni Muslim population. Now let us turn to the approach of al-Qaeda, or Osama bin Laden. The truth, according to this interpretation, is that their understanding was essentially the same. Bin Laden’s fundamental slogan was to drive American forces out of “Arabistan,” while his broader objective was to dismantle the Saudi Kingdom, end the rule of the House of Saud, and establish what he regarded as a pure and orthodox caliphate in the sacred lands of the Hijaz. In pursuit of this sacred mission, he considered the Americans, much like the proponents of Velayat-e Faqih, to be the greatest obstacle, even though bin Laden had benefited from American support during the Afghan jihad. The logic was that all steps toward the ultimate objective had to be carried out gradually and in stages. Once the Taliban had established their own form of emirate and rule in Afghanistan, bin Laden and his followers intensified their rhetoric against the United States, seeking both to undermine American power and to establish their own importance, while also exploiting widespread Muslim anger toward Israel. They were frequently seen expressing sympathy and grief for the Palestinians as well. This, then, was the broader background in which the 9/11 tragedy occurred, leaving the entire world astonished by the question: Why did 18—or according to some accounts, 15—of the 19 hijackers involved in 9/11 come from Saudi Arabia? After all, Saudi Arabia had long been regarded as one of America’s closest allies in the region, much like Israel. Today, the followers of Osama bin Laden, the so-called Mujahid of Islam, and those of Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Revolution, should perhaps be celebrating most of all, because it was the American people themselves who brought a figure named Trump into the White House—a “monster,” in the writer’s characterization—who, in his view, has severely damaged America’s military power and global stature. Despite all their efforts and jihadist campaigns, what bin Laden and Khomeini could not accomplish was, according to this argument, achieved by an allegedly foolish American president, Donald Trump, in such a disastrous manner that serious observers who believed in American power and global leadership were left holding their heads in disbelief. Trump, the writer argues, gradually pushed America’s allies around the world away from Washington and also created a degree of division and polarization among the American people themselves. His repeated attacks on former American presidents, particularly Barack Obama, are portrayed as though they were part of his constitutional and presidential responsibilities. In effect, the writer argues, America has become weaker while Trump has become larger than the country itself in his own eyes—an individual for whom neither the United Nations nor the UN Human Rights Charter carries much importance, whose respect for American civilizational values is allegedly limited, and who has shown little regard for America’s Gulf Arab allies, including the Saudi Crown Prince. The writer asks rhetorically which American ally this “clown” has not mocked or insulted. In his view, Trump has demonstrated to the world that the “monster” of 9/11, which failed to cause America truly catastrophic damage, has been surpassed by the “monster” of Trump, which has proved even more damaging to the United States. Fortunately, the writer argues, America’s constitutional, democratic, and judicial institutions are strong enough to withstand this severe assault, and once this “clown” leaves office, the American people will see a new dawn after what he describes as a four-year dark night. The writer expresses confidence that during this sensitive period, Crown Prince MBS will, with wisdom and prudence, succeed in protecting his kingdom and preserving national unity. Just as bin Laden’s religious fanaticism was ultimately swept away by the sea, he argues, the religious fanaticism associated with Velayat-e Faqih and the Revolutionary Guards will one day likewise be swept away in the waters of the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab. Because of al-Qaeda, the Revolutionary Guards, or the Houthis, the Gulf’s American allies—particularly Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Israel—are facing serious difficulties. Against this backdrop, twelve European allied countries, including Britain, are now emerging before the Abraham Accords. But with time, the writer concludes, every such form of hatred will eventually be washed away, because the future of the twenty-first century does not belong to fanatics and terrorists; it belongs to those who believe in human civilization, humanitarian values, peace, and security.