Sindh’s 62-member cabinet under scrutiny

A three-month investigation by Minute Mirror, based on provincial budget documents, government notifications, audit observations and official

KARACHI: Sindh’s unusually large political executive has come under renewed scrutiny as questions grow over the cost of governance, constitutional limits and the delivery of essential public services in Pakistan’s second-largest province.

A three-month investigation by Minute Mirror, based on provincial budget documents, government notifications, audit observations and official records, has found that Sindh Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah’s political team comprises at least 62 office-holders, including ministers, advisers, special assistants and spokespersons.

The figure stands in sharp contrast to the political executive structures in Punjab and at the federal level, raising questions about whether the expansion of political appointments has translated into better governance and public service delivery.

According to the compilation, Sindh’s political team consists of 19 ministers, five advisers, 24 special assistants and 14 spokespersons or coordinators, bringing the total to 62.

By comparison, the corresponding figure compiled for Punjab is around 25, while the federal government has approximately 56 members in its wider political executive structure. Sindh has a population of around 55.7 million according to the 2023 census, whereas Punjab’s population is more than twice as large.

The comparison raises a fundamental question: if a province with a population considerably smaller than Punjab requires a political executive more than twice its size, what additional administrative functions are being performed and what measurable improvements have resulted for citizens?

The issue becomes particularly significant when viewed against the constitutional framework introduced through the 18th Amendment.

Article 130(6) of the Constitution provides a ceiling for the size of a provincial cabinet, while allowing the chief minister to appoint advisers within the constitutional framework. However, the constitutional provision does not prescribe an equivalent numerical ceiling for special assistants and certain other political appointments.

This distinction has created room for governments to expand their political teams through positions that fall outside the formal cabinet ceiling.

In Sindh, according to the Minute Mirror compilation, 24 special assistants and 14 spokespersons or coordinators account for 38 of the 62 positions identified.

The existence of these appointments is not, by itself, evidence of illegality. However, their number raises questions about the intended spirit of constitutional restrictions designed to prevent excessive expansion of provincial executives and the use of public resources for political administration.

The financial implications are equally significant.

An examination of Sindh’s budget documents for 2024-25 and 2025-26, along with notifications issued by the Services, General Administration and Coordination Department, indicates substantial allocations for the functioning of the Chief Minister’s Secretariat, official residences and the wider provincial executive.

Budgetary allocations examined by Minute Mirror include around Rs1.35 billion for the Chief Minister’s Secretariat and House, with approximately 500 sanctioned posts. Separate expenditure relating to the provincial executive, including salaries, allowances, travel and other facilities, has also been identified in the provincial financial documents.

Additional allocations are made under heads associated with helicopter operations, aircraft hiring and VIP travel.

These figures, however, do not necessarily represent the complete cost of maintaining the political executive. Departmental offices, official vehicles, security arrangements, support staff, accommodation and other administrative facilities can generate additional expenditure that is reflected across different budget heads.

The real issue, therefore, is not simply how much money is spent on ministers or political appointees. It is whether such expenditure produces a corresponding improvement in public services.

That question becomes difficult to ignore when Karachi continues to struggle with basic urban problems.

The metropolis remains under severe pressure over water supply, transport, road infrastructure, municipal services and public safety. The city’s requirement for water continues to significantly exceed available supply, while the long-delayed K-IV water project remains a major concern.

Healthcare facilities across the province have repeatedly faced financial and administrative challenges. Audit observations over the years have also highlighted irregularities in procurement and weaknesses in personnel and financial management in various departments.

Education remains another major challenge, with literacy and school infrastructure indicators showing persistent gaps. Audit reports have repeatedly identified incomplete development schemes and other irregularities affecting public education projects.

Road infrastructure has likewise remained a source of public frustration, particularly in industrial and commercial areas where heavy traffic and deteriorating roads combine to create serious risks for commuters and pedestrians.

The human cost of these governance failures has become increasingly visible.

Data compiled by Minute Mirror indicates that more than 360 people were killed in Karachi between January 1 and September 7, 2026, in incidents involving heavy vehicles and street crime. The figures include 217 deaths attributed to dumper and tanker-related incidents and 143 deaths linked to street crime.

The deaths have intensified public demands for effective traffic regulation, enforcement and policing.

For residents, the central issue is increasingly not the number of political office-holders but the results delivered by the provincial government.

The 18th Amendment fundamentally altered Pakistan’s federal structure by transferring significant responsibilities and resources to the provinces. With greater autonomy came greater responsibility for sectors including health, education and several areas of governance and service delivery.

Yet nearly two decades after the devolution process, questions remain over the extent to which powers have been transferred from provincial governments to elected local bodies under Article 140-A.

Critics argue that local governments remain financially and administratively dependent on provincial authorities, limiting their ability to independently address municipal problems in cities such as Karachi.

The political leadership of Sindh has repeatedly defended its governance record by pointing to the province’s population growth, security challenges, resource constraints and disputes over the federal-provincial distribution of resources.

However, the scale of the provincial political executive has added a new dimension to the debate.

When Syed Murad Ali Shah took oath as Sindh chief minister in July 2016, he publicly placed emphasis on public service and merit-based appointments, promising that officials would be selected according to their ability.

At the time, PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari also spoke of periodically reviewing the performance of ministers, likening the proposed mechanism to a school report card.

Whether such a systematic and publicly accessible performance review of the provincial cabinet and political appointees has been maintained remains an important question for transparency and accountability.

The investigation also examined allegations surrounding development contracts, municipal projects and the influence of politically connected groups.

Residents in areas including Korangi, Liaquatabad, SITE and Landhi repeatedly raised concerns about what they described as contractor, tanker and land mafias. These allegations, however, cannot be treated as proof of criminal conduct against any particular individual or company.

Where relevant, Minute Mirror examined audit observations, Public Accounts Committee proceedings and ongoing inquiries. Allegations remain allegations unless established by a competent court, and individuals and organisations facing inquiries are entitled to due process and the presumption of innocence.

The same principle applies to claims concerning misuse of authority, procurement irregularities and political patronage.

The constitutional question surrounding the size of Sindh’s political executive therefore requires a distinction between what is technically permissible and what represents good governance.

A government can remain within the formal wording of the law while still facing legitimate questions about whether its administrative structure is proportionate, necessary and financially responsible.

The presence of 14 spokespersons or coordinators attached to one provincial administration, for example, invites scrutiny over whether such a large communication structure is necessary when government departments already possess established information and public-relations mechanisms.

The provincial government’s position is essential to resolving these questions.

Minute Mirror contacted the Sindh Information Department, Chief Minister’s House and Home Department on September 5, 2026, seeking details regarding the 62 appointments, their portfolios, the annual cost of the political executive and the mechanism used to evaluate their performance. A response had not been received at the time of publication.

The newspaper will publish the official response once received.

Ultimately, the debate is not about the personalities occupying these positions. It is about the relationship between political power, public expenditure and measurable public service.

The 18th Amendment gave provinces greater authority and resources. That constitutional transformation also placed greater responsibility on provincial governments to deliver education, healthcare, security and essential services efficiently.

For Karachi’s millions of residents, the measure of that governance is not the number of ministers, advisers or spokespersons in government offices. It is whether clean water reaches their homes, roads remain safe, hospitals function properly, schools deliver quality education and citizens can travel without fear.

The question confronting Sindh is therefore straightforward: does the size of its political executive correspond to the quality of governance delivered to its people?

As the province enters another year of fiscal and administrative challenges, that question deserves answers backed by budgets, performance reports and measurable outcomes rather than political statements.

For Karachi, where citizens continue to pay taxes, demand basic services and bear the consequences of governance failures, accountability is no longer simply a constitutional principle. It is a daily necessity.