The UAE, Israel and the Gulf

My only connection with the UAE is that I often land here for transit flight. The other connection is that my several friends live here too. 

The latest reports of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s alleged visit to Abu Dhabi raise important questions about the United Arab Emirates’ foreign policy, its relationship with Israel and its place in the Gulf’s changing political landscape.

An Israeli senior official said Netanyahu visited Abu Dhabi on Sunday and met UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. Neither the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office nor the UAE Foreign Ministry immediately commented on the reported meeting. The visit, if confirmed, would come amid heightened regional tensions and growing scrutiny of the UAE’s relationship with Israel.

What makes this reported encounter particularly significant is its historical context. A Haaretz report earlier this month alleged that Sheikh Mohamed had warned Netanyahu about preparations for Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack. Netanyahu reportedly denied the account and threatened legal action. The UAE has declined to comment on the report, while maintaining that it has open and direct communication with Israel since establishing diplomatic relations in 2020.

I find the contrast between these developments striking. The UAE has cultivated an image of a modern, commercially ambitious and diplomatically agile state. Its normalisation agreement with Israel, under the Abraham Accords, opened new avenues for trade, technology and security cooperation. Yet the same policy has generated difficult questions across the Muslim world, particularly over Palestinian rights and the continuing conflict in Gaza.

The latest reported meeting also raises questions about the UAE’s relations with its fellow Gulf Cooperation Council members. Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman have their own diplomatic priorities and approaches to regional security. While GCC states share many interests, their policies towards Iran, Israel and the United States are not identical.

Critics of Abu Dhabi’s approach argue that its close partnership with Israel risks complicating collective Gulf diplomacy, particularly when regional stability requires coordination rather than competing security arrangements. Some may even regard the UAE’s independent regional initiatives as a spoiler in efforts to establish a unified Gulf position. However, the extent of any resulting division requires careful examination rather than assumption.

The UAE’s position has also evolved following Iranian attacks and wider regional hostilities. Its security concerns are real, and its partnerships with Washington and Tel Aviv reflect its assessment of those threats. But security cooperation comes with diplomatic costs, especially when neighbouring countries and wider Muslim public opinion remain deeply concerned about Palestine.

I believe the central question is not whether the UAE should maintain diplomatic relations with Israel. It is whether those relations can coexist with meaningful regional cooperation, Palestinian rights and a credible commitment to Gulf stability. A foreign policy built around economic opportunity and national security also needs the confidence of neighbouring states.

There is a particular risk in allowing bilateral security partnerships to overshadow regional institutions. The GCC’s effectiveness depends on consultation, mutual confidence and a willingness to manage differences. If individual members increasingly pursue competing regional strategies, the collective capacity to address common challenges could weaken. However, claims that the UAE is diplomatically isolated would require evidence of sustained divisions among GCC members.

For Pakistan, these developments deserve close attention. Its economic and strategic interests are closely linked to the Gulf, through energy imports, trade and millions of Pakistani workers living in the region. Any deterioration in Gulf relations or escalation involving Iran could have serious economic consequences for Islamabad.

The UAE has every right to pursue its national interests, but regional influence also brings responsibilities. Its relationship with Israel, particularly during a period of intense regional conflict, will continue to attract scrutiny. The real measure of its diplomatic success will be whether it can preserve its partnerships without undermining cooperation with its Gulf neighbours.