The Mecca Pact: Can Pakistan Honour Its Alliance Commitments Without Bringing the War Home?

Dr Andlib Hussaini
By
Dr Andlib Hussaini
She holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of St Andrews, where she was awarded the St Leonard’s 7th Century Scholarship for doctoral research....
5 Min Read

Summary

  • In this context, the activation of the Mecca alliance, particularly if it draws Pakistan into actual battlefield operations (with many analysts and news sources reporting that Pakistani military advisers and troops are assisting Saudi Arabia, both on the ground and in the air, in its military campaign against the Houthis) could create significant risks for Pakistan’s own strategic maritime infrastructure, shipping routes and critical assets.
  • The pertinent question, therefore, is whether Pakistan’s expanding defence commitments in the Gulf through the activation of the Mecca Pact could eventually alter international perceptions of risk surrounding its maritime infrastructure, particularly if Pakistan becomes directly involved in military operations supporting Saudi Arabia against the Houthis.
  • The challenge is to maintain alliance credibility and fulfil legitimate defence commitments without transforming Pakistan’s maritime geography from a source of strategic and economic advantage into a new vulnerability in an expanding regional conflict.
AI Generated Summary

One of the most interesting lessons of the 2026 US–Iran conflict has been how ‘geography’ was leveraged by Iran as a strategic instrument in its arsenal. The conflict increasingly became a contest over who could control the Strait of Hormuz and, consequently, determine safe passage for global trade, energy shipments and commercial maritime traffic. US-Iran war demonstrated that control over or the credible capacity to disrupt a strategic maritime chokepoint could generate effects far beyond the immediate theatre of military confrontation.

The Houthis’ entry into the latest phase of regional escalation with Saudi Arabia now presents another interesting development. What began as a “war of strategic maritime chokepoints” may increasingly transition into a “war of strategic ports”, in which ports, energy terminals and associated maritime infrastructure become instruments and targets of coercion.

In this context, the activation of the Mecca alliance, particularly if it draws Pakistan into actual battlefield operations (with many analysts and news sources reporting that Pakistani military advisers and troops are assisting Saudi Arabia, both on the ground and in the air, in its military campaign against the Houthis) could create significant risks for Pakistan’s own strategic maritime infrastructure, shipping routes and critical assets. It was only on 29 July 2026 that Pakistan was removed from the JWC’s (Joint War Committee) revised Listed Areas. That decision provided an important and positive indicator of how international maritime insurers assessed Pakistan’s security environment and associated war-risk exposure.

The pertinent question, therefore, is whether Pakistan’s expanding defence commitments in the Gulf through the activation of the Mecca Pact could eventually alter international perceptions of risk surrounding its maritime infrastructure, particularly if Pakistan becomes directly involved in military operations supporting Saudi Arabia against the Houthis.

Karachi Port represents a particularly important concentration of strategic and economic assets. Its extensive petroleum-storage infrastructure including 295 oil tanks with approximately 1.5 million cubic metres of capacity for crude oil, chemicals and petroleum products means that any widening of the conflict towards Pakistani maritime infrastructure could generate consequences extending well beyond the immediate physical damage.

The historical precedent is worth remembering. The last major foreign military attacks on Pakistan’s principal port infrastructure occurred in December 1971, during the Indo-Pakistani War, when the Indian Navy struck Karachi and its surrounding maritime and fuel infrastructure through Operation Trident on 4–5 December and Operation Python on 8–9 December. More than five decades later, that underlying strategic vulnerability remains relevant, although the nature and range of contemporary threats have changed considerably. If the Houthis were eventually to expand their target set to include Pakistani ports, the resulting ‘strategic blowback’ could affect shipping confidence, war-risk insurance, energy security and Pakistan’s wider economy.

 

This is particularly important because Pakistan has not only played a critical and constructive role as a mediator during the US–Iran conflict, but its ports (Karachi, Port Qasim and Gwadar) have also gained importance as comparatively secure alternatives for shipping companies following disruption in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran initially announced the closure of Hormuz on 28 February 2026, while 2 March 2026 marked the beginning of its effective disruption to most commercial maritime traffic. The Pakistani government subsequently confirmed that Karachi Port recorded 2,003 vessel calls between July 2025 and 13 June 2026, exceeding 2,000 calls for the first time in nearly eight years. Pakistan is also seeking to capitalise on diverted regional maritime traffic, with expectations of significant growth (20-30%) in cargo and container inflows at its ports.

This is why Pakistan’s military leadership must navigate the present conflict with considerable strategic caution. Providing defence and security assistance to Saudi Arabia should not generate escalation spillover that brings the regional war to Pakistan’s own territory. The challenge is to maintain alliance credibility and fulfil legitimate defence commitments without transforming Pakistan’s maritime geography from a source of strategic and economic advantage into a new vulnerability in an expanding regional conflict.

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She holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of St Andrews, where she was awarded the St Leonard’s 7th Century Scholarship for doctoral research. Her research focuses on Middle Eastern politics, Gulf security, sectarianism, terrorism and non-state actors. She is a former Fellow of the U.S. Department of State’s International Visitor Leadership Program on Civilian Oversight of National Security Affairs and a Salzburg Global Fellow, having participated in Session 476, The Future of Asian Integration and Security in the 21st Century.
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